Susanna Johanna was die dogter van Johannes van der Westhuizen en Sara Delport.
e.5. Susanna Johanna VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, ged. 29/10/1787
Susanna Johanna was die dogter van Johannes van der Westhuizen en Sara Delport.
e.6. Sara Johanna VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, ged. 26/09/1790
Sara Johanna was die dogter van Johannes van der Westhuizen en Sara Delport.
Op 26/09/1790 woon haar ouers in Waveren.
Haar naam word as Susanna Johanna aangegee in haar sterfkennis.
Kinders:
f.1. Sara Johanna LE ROUX, geb. 10/06/1813, ged. 05/12/1813.
f.2. Andries Johannes LE ROUX, geb. 18/12/1817, ged. 22/03/1818, oorl. 07/03/1907, Oudtshoorn x 25/12/1839, George met Helena Petronella van der Westhuizen, geb. 04/06/1822, Cango, ged. 02/03/1823, oorl. 10/1893, Oudtshoorn, d.v. Burgert Daniel van der Westhuizen en Anna Catharina Bodenstein.
f.3. Catharina Elizabeth LE ROUX, geb. 10/04/1821, ged. 10/06/1821.
f.5. Johannes Jacobus LE ROUX
f.6. Isaac Christiaan LE ROUX , geb. 1829, oorl. 24/09/1889, Buffelskraal x Dorothea Zacharia Catharina Roux.
e.7. Johanna VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, ged. 19/05/1796
Johanna was die dogter van Johannes van der Westhuizen en Sara Delport.
f.1. Johannes Matthias VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 06/10/1819, ged. 14/11/1819
Johannes Matthias was die seun van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
f.2. Abel Petrus VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 05/12/1821, ged.17/03/1822
Abel Petrus was die seun van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
f.4. Burgert Matthias VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 09/12/1825, ged. 09/07/1826
Burgert Matthias was die seun van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
Surname | VAN DER WESTHUIZEN |
Name | BURT MARTIVAS |
Age | 75 |
Address | AREMOETSPRUIT |
District | VENTERSBURG |
Where Captured | AREMOETSPRUIT |
When Captured | 1900/11/03 |
Camp | Onbekend |
Country | Onbekend |
Ship (To) | Onbekend |
Ship (Back) | |
POW Number | 15623 |
Kroonstad was surely one of the most unattractive
camps in the entire system. When Lucy Deane of the Ladies Committee visited the
town in October 1901, she thought it a hideous place. In fact, she added, it
wasn’t a ‘place’, merely a railway centre and storage depot for military
supplies, with ‘acres of bags of meal etc. covered with sail-cloth’. ‘The rest
is wide dusty tracks with spotty Camps of various “Corps” of sorts, a tent
Hospital, tin shanties, a few seedy Bungalows and Wesleyan-Church-looking
place, a Native location built entirely out of tin biscuit boxes flattened out
and rivetted together, the whole enveloped in a permanent cloud of dust made
worse by the incessant galloping to and fro of men on horse-back’. But the position
of Kroonstad as a railway and supply centre was to have a major impact on the
camp, for such distribution points have always been important for the
dissemination of disease. The troops, who lingered in Kroonstad for some time
between the fall of Bloemfontein and the march on Pretoria, brought typhoid
with them, while their followers, ranging from labourers to prostitutes,
probably harboured other infectious diseases. (
Kroonstad camp was most likely formed
fairly early since General Kelly-Kenny suggested on 7 September 1900 that a
camp be created there, to protect loyal farmers from the Boers. Already in 1900
a number of farms had been burnt, leading to a substantial influx of homeless
families into the town. By 24 November 1900 it is clear that a camp had been
formed. The village of Reitz was evacuated on 20 January 1901 and Lindley was
probably emptied about the same date. By the end of March 1901 Kroonstad camp
was already fairly large, with over 2,500 inmates. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
The camp was divided into two parts, with 365 people from the Lindley district on the south side of the Valsch River and the remaining 1,200 on the north side. Flooding cut off the Lindley people completely, making it impossible to feed them. Inspector Daller visited Kroonstad camp in April 1901 and he thought the Lindley camp was ‘prettily placed’; it was an ideal spot for a ‘pleasure vamp’. He was not surprised that the families did not want to move, for they had put in hard floor, and built themselves kitchens and ovens. They were, he considered, a ‘better class’ than the people on the north bank. Breaking up their homes would only cause unhappiness. But the situation was impossible and the Lindley people were transferred across the river. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
From the first Kroonstad lacked accommodation as Boer families poured in. Nutrition was also critical and it was months before the camp authorities admitted that the ration scale, based on military rations and scaled down for women, children and men who were not performing hard labour, was inadequate. Only twelve passes a day were issued so people could not get into town to buy food, clothing or do business. The length of stay in Kroonstad camp also took its toll. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
By August 1901 the MO was reporting cases of scurvy and it was decided to issue lime juice to inmates who had been in the camp for more than six months All these conditions ensured that infectious diseases would spread rapidly and hit hard. And epidemics struck early for many of the first arrivals were in a bad way. By the end of February 1901 there were already forty patients in the camp hospital, twenty-seven of whom had enteric and the first medical report makes it clear that this was initially the major health hazard. But measles had also struck as early as March 1901 and diphtheria was common as well. The two doctors spelt out the problems very clearly but their warnings fell largely on deaf ears in these early months. They were particularly concerned about the food provided for the sick children, which was unsuitable for those suffering from digestive difficulties, arising from typhoid, measles and diarrhoea. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
Food was not the only problem. In his report for March 1901 Dr van der Wall commented on the overcrowding in the tents. Exposed to excessive heat during the day, and excessive cold at night, not to mention the fact that many of the tents were not waterproof, it was not surprising that the young and the old suffered. Gradually the number of trained nurses was increased. Although the first epidemic was partially contained by July 1901 a second wave was attacking the camp. After he had visited the camp in early August, Goold Adams reported to Lord Kitchener that the epidemic had been fuelled by 800 people, brought in from Graspan, near Reitz, six weeks ago. They were already suffering from measles which ‘spread like wildfire’. General Knox also took an interest in the problem, recommending a convalescent camp, since the children often died after they had been discharged from hospital. It was during this crisis that a number of families, with members suffering from measles, were transferred to nearby Heilbron camp. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
At the end of October 1901, the water, drawn from the Valsch River was muddy and inadequate, with each inmate allowed a gallon a day. The latrine pails were filthy and the seats were too high for the children. On the other hand the terrible overcrowding of the early days had disappeared and the bell tents now averaged three people to a tent. The shops, of which there were seven, were reasonably well stocked. Passes were still issued reluctantly, 10 a day for women but those whose men were on commando were not allowed passes. Nor were they allowed to buy food in the town, partly because there was so little available for the townspeople. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
By 1902, then, life in Kroonstad camp had improved considerably, although there were always some problems running a camp in wartime. In the winter of 1902 the problems of meat supply recurred in all the camps, including Kroonstad. It was poor, tough and inferior to the frozen meat they had been getting. At the end of the war, when the families had to be repatriated, Kroonstad became the holding camp for the area, taking in people from Vredefort Road when that camp was closed. Relief works were set up at Strydfontein nearby to provide for destitute families with no home or work to return to. Widows and orphans were sent onto Brandfort. Nevertheless, the camp was still in existence in January 1902. The last people were finally moved out on 4 February 1903, although the formal report stated that Kroonstad camp was closed on 12 January. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Kroonstad/)
|
141. People over the age of 15 years
VAN DE VENTER Petrus E.; VAN DE VENTER Petrus E.; VAN DER MERWE Christiaan M.; VAN DER MERWE Gesina W.; VAN DER MERWE Hendrina M.; VAN DER MERWE Schalk W.; VAN DER VYVER Helena C.; VAN DER VYVER Helena C.; VAN DER VYVER Hester P.; VAN DER VYVER Johanna C.; VAN DER WESTHUIZEN Burt M.; VAN DYK Elsie P.
f.3. Susanna Sophia VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 19/09/1823, ged. 25/07/1824
Susanna Sophia was die dogter van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
f.5. Sara Cornelia Maria VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 03/09/1828, ged. 06/09/1829
Sara Cornelia Maria was die dogter van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
f.6. Johanna Catharina VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 12/08/1834, ged. 24/05/1835
Johanna Catharina was die dogter van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
f.7. Salomon Johannes Cornelis VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 08/08/1836, ged. 20/08/1837
Salomon Johannes Cornelis was die seun van Burgert Matthias van der Westhuizen en Johanna Catharina Pienaar.
Anglo Boere-oorlog:
Pietersburg was the northernmost camp in the Transvaal
system, isolated and difficult to service. Although Pietersburg itself was
relatively open, the nearby Zoutpansberg was mountainous and forested,
bordering on Mozambique. The town was only occupied by the British on 8 April
1901 and, initially, the people of this region were housed in Irene camp. It
was only after some thought that it was decided to establish a camp in such a
remote area, in May 1901. This was still, in some respects, frontier territory,
vulnerable to attacks from local African societies who remained unsubdued by
the Boers. While there were some established farmers, much of the wealth of the
area was derived from lumber and mining. Pietersburg was close to malaria
country and the health of the region was notoriously poor so it was inevitable
that the mortality in Pietersburg camp should be high. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Pietersburg/)
Given the hostilities that had marked Boer relations with the local black societies over many years, the white families felt particularly vulnerable when war broke out. One of the greatest fears that loomed over the women was the threat of armed blacks. While these were often exaggerated, there seems little doubt that farms in the Zoutpansberg were sometimes cleared by black allies of the British. Inevitably, accounts of these ‘atrocities’ crept into the women’s testimonies. The men of the Bushveldt Carbineers were also active in bringing in the women and children. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Pietersburg/)
George Witton’s distasteful and untruthful account of the Breaker Morant affair illustrates vividly the calibre of the men engaged in this work: ‘During these trips I came into contact with many of the “Boers of the Veldt,” or the Dopper class. I would often take a cup of coffee with them, and as many of them could speak a little English, they would pour out all their troubles to me. The women folk were eager to learn all about the refugee camp, asking would they be provided with food and clothing, and would the “Englisher” give them schoens for the kinder?” This is the class of people that predominates in South Africa, and in my opinion there must be generations of purging, educating, and civilising before they will be capable of taking part in national life. They appear habitually to shun water, and never undress; as they go to bed, so they get up again – dirty, untidy, and unwashed. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Pietersburg/)
When J.E. Tucker arrived as superintendent in May 1901, he found that there were about 1,000 people housed in the town or living in wagons. By the end of that month there were over 2,000 people, all of whom were living in the camp by August 1901 Many had come from the lowveld and were ill with fever. While there was plenty of water, it had to be brought by wagon to the camp, and there was surprisingly little fuel; coal had to be trucked in. The people were often confused by this disruption in their lives. Tucker complained that ‘it is very difficult to find out from the burghers whom they surrendered to and when. They are also quite ignorant as to the numbers of their farms. Very few women can tell on whose commando their husband was or is’. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Pietersburg/)
Unfortunately, as families returned from Irene and Pretoria, they brought measles with them and the death rate began to soar in a society already debilitated by malaria. Mortality reached its peak in July 1901. Measles returned briefly in November with new arrivals but, by this time, most of the camp inmates had acquired an immunity to the disease and it disappeared fairly quickly. Malaria also returned in the summer, together with an outbreak of whooping cough which claimed a number of lives. Diarrhoea plagued the younger children, largely because of the pork they bought in the village, the MO believed. Two of the camp staff, including the headmaster, went down with typhoid. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Pietersburg/)
One of the reasons why the camp officials found the management of the Boer women so difficult was that the camps were profoundly disempowering for the women, who were accustomed running their own homes. Despite the ill health, difficulties with the people and the problems of supply, Pietersburg camp was unproblematic for most of 1901. The camp was well supplied with medical staff, routines ran smoothly and health improved rapidly once the measles epidemic had declined. Food was relatively good and, in August 1901 the camp began to grow its own vegetables. Nevertheless, scurvy threatened during the winter months. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Pietersburg/)
Op 5 Oktober 1901 word hulle oorgeplaas na die Heidelberg Konsentrasiekamp.
The general impression of Heidelberg was that it was a ‘good’ camp. Gradually the camp was brought into the sort of order that the British esteemed. A camp matron was appointed and a daily inspection of the tents instituted. A bootmaker was employed to make boots for the destitute. Some thirty to forty police were on duty to patrol the camp, generally to keep order and prevent people from entering the camp without permission. Roofed latrines with concrete floors were built. By May 1902 amenities also included two tennis courts, two football fields and a croquet ground, all of which were much appreciated, Allison reported. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Heidelberg/#)
By the end of the year the main problem was a persistent diarrhoea, probably from using contaminated water which had not been boiled. The mothers were also careless about ensuring that their children changed their damp clothing when they had been playing in the rain, giving rise to pneumonia, the MO complained. When the new MO, Dr H. Crook arrived from Johannesburg camp, he found enteric a continuing problem, and he struggled to discover why, since the camp was clean and the water supply seemed pure, although he sent it away for analysis. Fortunately, by the following month the disease was dying out. As sickness diminished, Dr Crook began to consider more active measures for the prevention of disease. Sixty per cent of the children under twelve had never been vaccinated, and this demanded urgent attention, he considered. In the event, vaccination seems never to have taken place. The usual, less threatening, childhood diseases appeared in 1902, including chicken pox and measles, while diphtheria also occurred sporadically. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Heidelberg/#)
Dr Franks was critical of education in Heidelberg camp, primarily because the school was conducted by a Cape Afrikaner, Mr Lingher. The school camps under the supervision of Britishers were far more satisfactory, Franks considered, the best being under a Scot. It would be advisable if all headmasters and at least half the staff were British, he recommended, given the importance of education in the future of South Africa. Whatever Franks’ aspersions on local teachers, Lingher appeared to be hard working and had started a night school for adults, not very large but the men who attended showed ‘the keenest desire to learn’. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Heidelberg/#)
The arrival of the peace led to jollifications. A picnic in a nearby kloof was enjoyed by the children, who were plied with cakes, sweets and mineral waters, while a dinner was held for the old people and camp employees. In the evening they were entertained with a gramophone and the evening concluded with cheers for the King, Allison reported proudly. A few days later a sports day was held while the adults had a dance and the camp staff were given a dinner. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Heidelberg/#)
By July 1902 repatriation was under way, 239 families leaving in that month. The inmates were anxious to get home before the start of the sowing season, Allison reported. Unfortunately the departures slowed in the next couple of months, largely because of the lack of seed and stock, Allison believed. There was ample stock available but the people lacked the resources to buy. By November he was becoming increasingly anxious on their behalf since the sowing season was rapidly passing. Others lacked land and left only after the Land Settlement Board provided them with ground. Since November was the last report, the camp was, presumably, closed during that month. (https://www2.lib.uct.ac.za/mss/bccd/Histories/Heidelberg/#)
Personal Details
|
|
Name:
|
Mr Solomon Johannes Cornelius van der
Westhuizen
|
Born in
camp?
|
No
|
Died in
camp?
|
No
|
Gender:
|
male
|
Race:
|
white
|
Marital
status:
|
married
|
Nationality:
|
Transvaal
|
Registration
as head of family:
|
Yes
|
Unique
ID:
|
38786
|
Camp History
|
|
Name:
|
Pietersburg
RC
|
Age
arrival:
|
65
|
Date
arrival:
|
12/05/1901
|
Date
departure:
|
05/10/1901
|
Reason
departure:
|
transferred
|
Destination:
|
Heidelberg RC
|
Stock
into camp:
|
3 cows, 2 calves
|
Tent
number:
|
470
|
Name:
|
Heidelberg
RC
|
Farm History
|
|
Name:
|
Diepkloof
|
District:
|
Woodbush
|
Notes:
|
no property
|
Status
|
|
Type:
|
surrendered
|
Notes:
|
12/5/1901, Pietersburg
|
Relationships
|
|
Mr Solomon Johannes Cornelius van der Westhuizen
|
|
is the husband of Mrs
Martha Johanna W van der Westhuizen
|
|
is the father of Mr John
Johannes van der Westhuizen
|
|
is the father of Miss
Hester Petronella Adriana Wilhelmina van der Westhuizen
|
|
Sources
|
|
Title:
|
DBC 87
Pietersburg CR
|
Type:
|
Camp register
|
Location:
|
National Archives, Pretoria
|
Reference
No.:
|
DBC 87
|
Notes:
|
p.206
|
Personal Details
|
|
Name:
|
Mrs Martha Johanna W van der Westhuizen
|
Born in
camp?
|
No
|
Died in
camp?
|
No
|
Gender:
|
female
|
Race:
|
white
|
Marital
status:
|
married
|
Nationality:
|
Transvaal
|
Unique
ID:
|
38787
|
Camp History
|
|
Name:
|
Pietersburg
RC
|
Age
arrival:
|
54
|
Date
arrival:
|
12/05/1901
|
Date
departure:
|
05/10/1901
|
Reason
departure:
|
transferred
|
Destination:
|
Heidelberg RC
|
Farm History
|
|
Name:
|
Diepkloof
|
District:
|
Woodbush
|
Relationships
|
|
Mrs Martha Johanna W van der Westhuizen
|
|
is the wife of Mr
Solomon Johannes Cornelius van der Westhuizen
|
|
Sources
|
|
Title:
|
DBC 87 Pietersburg
CR
|
Type:
|
Camp register
|
Location:
|
National Archives, Pretoria
|
Reference
No.:
|
DBC 87
|
Notes:
|
p.206
|
e.4. Burgert Matthias VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, ged. 20/03/1785
Burgert Matthias was die seun van Johannes van der Westhuizen en Sara Delport.
g.4. Daniël Jacobus VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 16/01/1860, ged. 07/07/1861, Oudtshoorn
Sy naam kom voor in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1863.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle pa se sterfkennis van 1867.
Hy is op 03/10/1879 in die kerk op Oudtshoorn aangeneem.
h.1. Isaak Johannes VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 01/04/1882, ged. 15/08/1882
Isaak Johannes was die seun van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
Sy naam kom voor as Izak Johannes Daniel in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1920.
Sy naam kom voor as Izak Johannes Daniel in hulle suster Cecilia Maria se sterfkennis van 1921.
Sy naam kom voor as Izak Johannes Daniel in hulle pa se sterfkennis van 1929.
h.2. Johannes Stephanus Otto VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 06/01/1884, ged. 30/03/1884
Johannes Stephanus Otto was die seun van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1920.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle suster Cecilia Maria se sterfkennis van 1921.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle pa se sterfkennis van 1929.
eGGSA library Gravestones in South Africa Weskaap : Western Cape Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, Rural (farm cemeteries) Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, De Rust, Roodeheuvel 55, farm cemetery_1 WESTHUIZEN Johannes Stephanus Otto, v.d. 1884-1956
eGGSA library Gravestones in South Africa Weskaap : Western Cape Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, Rural (farm cemeteries) Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, De Rust, Roodeheuvel 55, farm cemetery_1 WESTHUIZEN Catherina E., v.d. nee V.D. SPUY 1882-1947
h.4. Michael Johannes VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 09/05/1889, ged. 29/07/1889
Michael Johannes was die seun van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1920.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle suster Cecilia Maria se sterfkennis van 1921.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle pa se sterfkennis van 1929.
h.3. Catharina Elizabeth Fourie VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 19/09/1887, ged. 25/10/1887
Catharina Elizabeth Fourie was die dogter van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
h.5. Cecilia Maria VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 27/02/1893, ged. 29/04/1893
Cecilia Maria was die dogter van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
Haar naam kom voor in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1920.
h.7. Ockert Fourie VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 12/01/1899, ged. 21/01/1899
Ockert Fourie was die seun van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1920.
Sy naam kom voor in hulle pa se sterfkennis van 1929.
eGGSA library Gravestones in South Africa Weskaap : Western Cape Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, Rural (farm cemeteries) Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, De Rust, Roodeheuvel 55, farm cemetery_1 WESTHUIZEN Ockert Fourie, van der 1899-1977 & Aneline 1900-1984
h.6. Anna Margaretha VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 11/04/1895, ged. 02/06/1895
Anna Margaretha was die dogter van Isaak Johannes Daniël van der Westhuizen en Anna Margaretha Otto.
Haar naam kom voor in hulle ma se sterfkennis van 1920.
Haar naam kom voor in hulle suster Cecilia Maria se sterfkennis van 1921.
Haar naam kom voor in hulle pa se sterfkennis van 1929.
eGGSA library Gravestones in South Africa Weskaap : Western Cape Western Cape, UNIONDALE, Urban area Western Cape, UNIONDALE, Main cemetery S - Surnames :: Vanne - S SPUY Johannes Jacobus Steyn, van der 1894-1960 & Anna Margaretha van der WESTHUIZEN 1895-1961
g.2. Isaak Johannes Daniël VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, geb. 02/02/1857, ged. 24/05/1857
Isaak Johannes Daniel was die seun van Isaak Johannes van der Westhuizen en Cecilia Maria du Plessis.
eGGSA library Gravestones in South Africa Weskaap : Western Cape Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, Rural (farm cemeteries) Western Cape, OUDTSHOORN district, De Rust, Roodeheuvel 55, farm cemetery_1 WESTHUIZEN Izak J.D., v.d. 1857-1929